Majlesi Iran

Keywords: Majlesi Iran
Description: (b. 1627; d. 1699 or 1700), an eminent Twelver ShiКїite jurist in Safavid Iran (1501-1722) and one of the most important hadith scholars of Twelver ShiКїism.

(b. 1627; d. 1699 or 1700), an eminent Twelver ShiКїite jurist in Safavid Iran (1501-1722) and one of the most important hadith scholars of Twelver ShiКїism.

MAJLESI, Moḥammad-BДЃqer b. Moḥammad-Taqi b. Maqб№Јud-КїAli Eб№ЈfahДЃni, (b. 1627; d. 1699 or 1700), an eminent Twelver ShiКїite jurist in Safavid Iran (1501-1722) and one of the most important hadith scholars of Twelver ShiКїism (Ar. Eб№Їna КїAšariya ; EmДЃmiya ). He is often referred to as Majlesi-e б№ЇДЃni, or Majlesi-e dowwom (Majlesi II), while his father Moḥammad-Taqi Majlesi (b. 1594-95; d. 1659-60). who was a significant theologian in his own right, is known as Majlesi-ye Awwal (Majlesi I). He is also known as КїAllДЃma-ye Majlesi or al-КїAllДЃma (e.g. BaḥrДЃni, p. 55; cf. DavДЃni, 1991), MollДЃ Majlesi (e.g. TonokДЃboni, 1992, p. 220; Zanuzi, IV, p. 237), and ДЂбёµund Majlesi (e.g. Jazi, p. 117). Majlesi’s reputation among the ulema (КїДЃlem. pl.КїolamДЃКѕ “religious scholar”) rests primarily upon his monumental hadith encyclopedia Beḥār al-anwДЃr in which he rearranged the entire corpus of Twelver ShiКїite traditions. Beyond the realm of theology and hadith, Majlesi wielded an unprecedented degree of political power under the last two Safavid shahs SolaymДЃn (r. 1666-94) and Solб№­ДЃn-бё¤osayn (r. 1694-1722), serving as šayбёµ al-EslДЃm (see SHIКїITE DOCTRINE ii. Hierarchy in the Imamiyya ) in the Safavid capital Isfahan from 1687 until his death.

In view of his apparently extraordinary intellectual and political stature, concrete data and hard facts about Maj­lesi’s life are, as in the case of his father, surprisingly scanty, and the historical person behind the literary and political figure remains rather elusive. He is first mentioned in Waliqoli ŠДЃmlu’s chronicle Qeб№Јaб№Ј al-бёµДЃqДЃni. which was written around 1670. Majlesi is named among the Isfahan dignitaries and described as being “perhaps over 30 years” old (ŠДЃmlu, II, p. 51). КїAbd-al-бё¤osayn бёґДЃtunДЃbДЃdi (d. 1693-94) refers to Majlesi in his chronicle WaqДЃКѕeКї al-senin wa’l-aКїwДЃm (cf. ДЂqДЃ Bozorg, XXV, p. 128), mentioning his birth, his appointment as šayh al-EslДЃm, and a few dates on which he completed some of his writings (бёґДЃtunДЃbДЃdi, pp. 508, 533, 536, 537-38; for Majlesi’s death date, see p. 551 in the supplement, as бёґДЃtunДЃbДЃdi died before Majlesi). Three of his students composed biographical dictionaries (б№­abaqДЃt ) that do not go into any further detail either, making do instead with listing his honorifics and writings (Ardabili, II, pp. 78-79; Afandi, 1981, V, pp. 39-40; бё¤orr КїДЂmeli, II, pp. 248-49). The earliest substantial biography was written by Majlesi’s grandson and student Moḥammad-бё¤osayn бёґДЃtunДЃbДЃdi (d. 1739; see Pampus, pp. 60-61; cf. Kohlberg, 1989, p. 91), and it is quoted in excerpts in later compilations (e.g. бёґбµ›ДЃnsДЃri, II, pp. 82-85; Ṭabresi, pp. 27-29).

French travelers (see FRANCE vii. French Travelers in Persia, 1600-1730 ) occasionally noticed Majlesi’s extraordinary office, without, however, specifying his name. In his description of 1690s Isfahan, the French priest and missionary Martin Gaudereau (1663-1743) mentioned “le grand Acconde qui est le chef de la Secte des Persans, & en quelque façon comme leur Pape” (p. 131, cf. p. 46). His colleague François Sanson spoke of the “Le troisième Pontife de Perse se nomme Akond ou bien Chiek Alislam, c’est à dire le Sçavant par excellence, le Vieillard ou le Venerable de la Loy Mahometane “ (pp. 23-24). In the 1670s the business man John Chardin (d. ca. 1713) explained the office of šayбёµ al-EslДЃm (spelled cheic-al-Islam ) as “cette espece de prélat se nomme aussi akhoun. lecteur, théologien” (VI, p. 51). He knew of three men with the name Moḥammad BДЃqer (VII, pp. 463-64, spelled Mahamed Baguer ,) in Isfahan, though none of them seems to have been Majlesi who moreover did not yet serve as šayбёµ al-EslДЃm when Chardin lived there.

The exact dates of Majlesi’s birth and death are disputed. Most sources agree on 1037/1627-28 as his date of birth (бёґДЃtunДЃbДЃdi, p. 508; Ṭabresi, p. 149; the hijra year 1027/1618 in Amin, IX, p. 182, seems to be a misprint). But one of the earliest writers, Aḥmad b. Moḥammad BehbahДЃni (d. 1819 or 1820) gives 1038/1628-29 in his MerКѕДЃt al-aḥwДЃl (p. 113; cf. Ṭabresi, p. 149). For his date of death, the day is always 27 RamaЕјДЃn, but one finds the year 1110 (29 March 1699), as well as the year 1111 (18 March 1700). Both dates are often put side by side in biographical dictionaries, and chronograms are quoted for either (Ṭabresi, pp. 150-51; бёґбµ›ДЃnsДЃri, II, pp. 81, 85; Kašmiri, pp. 178-79; cf. Pampus, p. 47). In the 20th century Imamite scholarship seems to have accepted the earlier date as given by бёґДЃtunДЃbДЃdi (e.g. DavДЃni, 1983, p. 101; DavДЃni in Mehrizi and RabbДЃni, 1999, I, pp. 65-66).

In general, 20th century biographical entries on Majlesi tend to be rather stereotypical (for the character and purpose of Shiʿite biographical dictionaries in general, see Gleave, pp. 40-60), and hardly go beyond that which had been gathered by Ḵātunābādi, Behbahāni and Ṭabresi (ca. 1838-1902; cf. Brunner, 2001, pp. 39-42). Some recent compilers (e.g. Ḥakimi, Ḵuʾi) even content themselves with merely reproducing the sparse information provided by Ardabili (fl. 17th cent.), Moḥammad b. Ḥasan Ḥorr ʿĀmeli (1624-93), Afandi (d. ca. 1718), or Yusof Baḥrāni (b. 1695-96, d. 1772?).

Ṭabresi’s al-FayЕј al-qodsi remains one of the most valuable sources on Majlesi’s life. The book was first published in 1884, on the occasion of the first complete lithographed edition of the Beḥār al-anwДЃr (ДЂqДЃ Bozorg, XVI, p. 408; cf. Pampus, pp. 17-19), and Ṭabresi’s work was retained in the Beḥār 's 1980s Lebanese reprint. Ṭabresi focused on Majlesi’s writings (pp. 37-75), his teachers and students (pp. 76-104), as well as his ancestors (pp. 105-42) and descendants (pp. 143-48). All information about Majlesi’s life proper is restricted to the introduction (pp. 9-36) and the last chapter (pp. 149-65), and is of a decidedly hagiographic nature.

His family was well respected, as his father Muḥammad-Taqi Majlesi was an important jurist and hadith commentator, as mentioned above (for the family genealogy, see Brunner, 2002). Majlesi first studied with his father and other eminent scholars. Ṭabresi (pp. 76-82) listed 18 teachers (cf. Pampus, pp. 92-101), including Moḥammad Ṣāleḥ Māzandarāni (d. 1670 or 1675), Ḥasan-ʿAli Tostari (d. ca. 1659), and Moḥammad b. Ḥaydar Rafiʿā Nāʾini (d. 1670?). The outstanding Ḥorr ʿĀmeli ranks among both his teachers and his students, due to their mutually exchanged certificates of transmission (sing. ejāza ; Ḥorr ʿĀmeli, II, p. 249; Majlesi, 1983, CX, pp. 103-06). While his early studies comprised the traditional curriculum of the religious sciences, he later concentrated on Quran and, above all, the traditions of the 12 imams. Majlesi (1983, I, pp. 2-3) called them the treasurers (Ar. ḵāzen. pl. ḵozzān ) because their traditions are regarded as the sole means of accessing divine wisdom.

Majlesi had a large circle of students, and was an astonishingly prolific author. His influence as a teacher must have been enormous, even if the assertion of one thousand students is hardly verifiable (Ṭabresi, pp. 12-13). The names of a substantial number of his students are preserved in the biographical literature (49 in Ṭabresi, pp. 82-104; cf. 80 in Pampus, pp, 101-116), in part because they were recipients of an ejДЃza (for a collection of 115 licenses issued to 84 persons, see бё¤osayni, 1990; cf. ДЂqДЃ Bozorg, I, pp. 148-56). Several of his students became scholars in their own right and are known as the authors of important works of the religious sciences and б№­abaqДЃt, such as Majlesi’ son-in-law Moḥammad-б№ўДЃleḥ бёґДЃtunДЃbДЃdi (d. 1714; cf. Pampus, pp. 102-3), NeКїmat-AllДЃh JazДЃКѕeri (d. 1701; cf. Pampus, pp. 104-105), Afandi (cf. Pampus, p. 105), or SolaymДЃn b. КїAbd-AllДЃh BaḥrДЃni (d. 1709 or 1715; cf. Pampus, p. 106).

Within his own family, Moḥammad BДЃqer Majlesi was to be the last scholar of an outstanding reputation. The works of his two elder brothers КїAziz-AllДЃh and КїAbd-AllДЃh are only of minor importance (Kašmiri, pp. 135-36). His sister ДЂmena Begum is the only woman of the family whose name is mentioned in the biographical literature (MaḥallДЃti, III, p. 329). She gained limited fame as an authority on Majlesi’s family and the complex genealogy of his descendents (Ṭabresi, pp. 118-42; cf. Pampus, pp. 64-92; Mosleḥ-al-Din Mahdawi, 2003, pp. 30-44).

Majlesi wrote several dozen works in both Arabic and Persian, and their number varies in the many lists available (useful bibliographies are found in Ṭabresi, pp. 37-75; Mošar, II, cols. 23-42; Anб№ЈДЃri Qommi; cf. the 25 Arabic books, 48 Persian books, and 17 Persian translations identified by Pampus, pp. 116-34). A first inventory, entitled Fehrest taб№ЈДЃnif al-Majlesi was drawn up by his aforementioned grandson Moḥammad-бё¤osayn бёґДЃtunДЃbДЃdi (ДЂqДЃ Bozorg, XVI, pp. 380-81).

Majlesi’s most important book is the Beḥār al-anwДЃr. one of the most extensive collections of Imamite hadith; it comprises 111 volumes in the printed edition. Other significant Arabic books are commentaries on classical tomes, such as the MerКѕДЃt al-Кїoqul on al-KДЃfi by Kolayni (d. 941) and the MalДЃбёЏ al-aбёµyДЃr fi šarḥ al-tahбёЏib on TahбёЏib al-aḥkДЃm by Moḥammad b. al-бё¤asan al-Ṭusi (b. 995, d. 1066/7), and shorter treatises, such as the ResДЃlat al-eКїteqДЃdДЃt and al-Wajiza fi’l-rejДЃl. The majority of Iranians only converted to the Imamiyya after the establishment of the Safavid state (Brunner, 2005), and Majlesi’s fame as one of the most influential promoters of Twelver ShiКїism in Iran rests primarily on his Persian writings, who are said to have spurred this development. Majlesi himself made statements to this effect (Hairi, 1986, p. 1087; Shireen Mahdavi, 2003, p. 89), and several of his Persian works were highly popular:

(1) бё¤elyat al-mottaqin (ДЂqДЃ Bozorg, VII, p. 83) is a collection of traditions on recommended customs and behavior (Shireen Mahdavi, 2003).

(2) ʿAyn al-ḥayāt (Āqā Bozorg, XV, p. 370) is a commentary on the testament which is said to have been given by the Prophet Moḥammad to his companion Abu Ḏarr Ḡefāri.

(3) бё¤aqq al-yaqin (ДЂqДЃ Bozorg, VII, p. 40) explores the foundations of belief, and is usually regarded as Majlesi’s last work. Some Imamite biographers (e.g. TonokДЃboni, p. 221; Jazi, p. 123) claim that in Syria about 70,000 people converted to the Imamiyya because of this book.

(4) Jalāʾ al-ʿoyun (Āqā Bozorg, V, pp. 124-25) discusses Moḥammad, Fāṭema. and the 12 imams (i.e. čahārdah maʿṣum ).

(5) Toḥfat al-zāʾer (Āqā Bozorg, III, p. 438) explains the pilgrimage to the Shiʿite shrines (sing. emāmzāda ).

(6) Ḥayāt al-qolub (Āqā Bozorg, VII, pp. 121-22) draws on the Beḥār al-anwār to examine the relations between the pre-Islamic prophets, Moḥammad and the imams. In the 19th century, this book attracted the attention of the Protestant missionaries Christian G. Barth (1799-1862) and James L. Merrick (1803-1866) who prepared partial German and English translations.

Majlesi exerted unprecedented political influence, not the least because Shah SolaymДЃn and especially Shah Solб№­ДЃn-бё¤osayn were weak rulers who in contemporary European travelogues (Gaudereau, pp. 31-34; KrusiЕ„ski, I, pp. 54, 62, 76) are generally described as typical products of the harem system. He seems to have followed his father as the leader of the congregational Friday prayer (emДЃm-e jomКїa ) of Isfahan (BaḥrДЃni, p. 55; cf. Pampus, p. 32), and in 1687 Shah SolaymДЃn appointed him as the capital’s šayбёµ al-EslДЃm (on this post, see JaКїfariyДЃn, 1992, pp. 90-107), so that he was entrusted with “the matters of the Muslims and jurisdiction according to religious law” (бёґбµ›ДЃnsДЃri, II, pp. 76-77). The assertion (Abisaab, p. 127) that he became б№Јadr-e бёµДЃб№Јб№Јa and б№Јadr-e КїДЃmma (see б№ўADR ) is not corroborated elsewhere, and the confusion may reflect that the contemporary б№Јadr-e бёµДЃб№Јб№Јa was also called Moḥammad-BДЃqer (Floor, pp. 482-83). The ascription of the office of mollДЃ-bДЃši to Majlesi was likewise shown to be erroneous (Arjomand, 1983). In his capacity as šayбёµ al-EslДЃm, Majlesi is generally described (BaḥrДЃni, p. 55; Jazi, p. 124) as fighting everything considered heresy and innovation (bedКїa ) by the traditionalist ulema, being incessantly intent on reviving the šariКїa. and enforcing the principle of enjoining the good and prohibiting the bad (Ar. “al-amr be'l-maКїruf wa'l-nahy Кїan al-monkar;” see AMR BE MAКїRUF ). In many biographical accounts (бёґбµ›ДЃnsДЃri, II, p. 77; Ṭabresi, p. 20; cf. Pampus, p. 33) it is reported with satisfaction how, in the year of his appointment, he had an idol that was venerated by “Indian unbelievers” – the sources are unclear with regard to the specific religious context – in Isfahan destroyed and the idolators expelled from the Safavid empire (for his dealing with non-Muslim monotheistic faith communities (ahl al-бёЏemma ; Ar. sing. бёЏemmi ) and the enforcement of the poll tax (jezya ), see Moreen’s tr. of his treatise about Jews). Majlesi fought against both Sunnite Islam and Sufism, but his opposition to Sufism was a delicate issue. His father was said to have had Sufi leanings, and Majlesi subsequently tried to dispel these claims (BaḥrДЃni, p. 60; ŠirДЃzi, I, pp. 268-86; Ṭabresi, pp. 117-18). He failed, however, in his attempt to have the prohibition of wine thoroughly enforced (Pampus, p. 35).

Regarding the dominant intellectual struggle of the time between AбёµbДЃris (q.v.) and Oб№Јulis, Majlesi did not side with either faction in an obvious way. Since he compiled the Beḥār al-anwДЃr he contributed enormously to the dissemination of Twelver ShiКїite traditions about the 12 imams (Ar. sing. бёµabar. pl. aбёµbДЃr ) and consciously employed them to make Twelver ShiКїism prevail in Iran. On the delicate issue of the falsification (taḥrif ) of the QurКѕДЃn, which was claimed in early ShiКїite traditions and in later times became a hallmark of AбёµbДЃri leanings, Majlesi avoided passing final judgement. While qualifying such traditions as potentially weak, he nevertheless included them without restriction in his compilation (Brunner, 2001, pp. 21-22). Yet As emДЃm-e jomКїa and šayбёµ al-EslДЃm, he showed a willingness for political reasoning that exceeded the usual AбёµbДЃri stance (Jazi, pp. 122-23; Gleave, pp. 155, 241-44, 264-66), and his student Ardabili (II, p. 78) characteristically honored him with the epithet бёµДЃtam al-mojtahedin .

In Anglo-American scholarship, Moḥammad-BДЃqer Majlesi does not usually enjoy a good reputation (on Western judgement of Majlesi in general, see КїAlawi, 1991). Positive statements such as those by the American Dwight M. Donaldson who in the late 1920s considered Majlesi “the last and the greatest theologian of the Safavid period” and “thorough and diligent as a scholar” (p. 303-304) remain the exception. Critical and even polemical judgments are typical. John Malcolm (1767-1833), one of the earliest historians of Qajar Iran, saw Majlesi as an outright “bigot” (I, p. 595). Edward G. Browne (1866-1926) called him “one of the greatest, most powerful, and most fanatical mujtahids of the б№ўafawí period” (p. 403). Laurence Lockhart (b. 1890) perceived him as “a rigid and fanatical formalist” (p. 70) because of his persecution of Sunnites, Sufis and non-Muslims (cf. Pampus, pp. 33-34). A more recent example of this position is the tone adopted by Colin Turner (esp. pp. 148-86).

In stark contrast, most Imamite scholars have treated Majlesi with great reverence, and the eulogies and honorary epithets which normally open his entries in biographical dictionaries speak for themselves. Several biographers go so far as to suggest a direct connection between Majlesi’s death and the final decline of the Safavid empire within the following two decades (BaḥrДЃni, p. 55; TonokДЃboni, p. 221; cf. Jazi, p. 124). Many an author cites with unconcealed pride a dictum by the anti-ShiКїite polemicist КїAbd-al-КїAziz Dehlawi (d. 1823), a son of the renowned Indian reformist thinker ŠДЃh-Wali-AllДЃh Dehlawi (1703-62), to the effect that it is entirely appropriate to call Twelver ShiКїism “the religion of Majlesi” (BehbahДЃni, pp. 114-15; Ṭabresi, p. 14; cf. Qommi, 1984, pp. 250-51; 1948, p. 412; Modarres, V, p. 193). The deep veneration can extend to the belief in miracles, when it is, for example, asserted that a genie (Ar. jenn ) once visited Majlesi’s teaching circle (TonokДЃboni, Qeб№Јaб№Ј. p. 221) and miracles occurred at his gravesite (Mahdawi, 1969, p. 164; Jazi, p. 121). Ṭabresi (pp. 163-65) who sharply criticized the belief in miracles as credulity (pp. 163-64), reported a great number of dreams in which scholars were visited by Majlesi (pp. 149-62). In several of these accounts Majlesi is presented as the apotheosis of an Imamite scholar who is one of the intermediaries facilitating access to the imams and therefore to divine knowledge (bДЃb al-aКѕimma ; see BДЂB (1) ). Other dream narratives, by contrast, center on Majlesi's humbleness, as he was only allowed to enter paradise because he once gave a quince to a small child. Both visions illustrate the enormous charisma Twelver ShiКїite ulema through the responses of their followers (Brunner, 2009, pp. 110-15).

Such awestruck veneration notwithstanding, Majlesi has not entirely escaped Imamite criticism. Among his contemporaries Moḥammad b. Moḥammad бё¤osayni Mir Lawḥi (17th cent.; cf. Hairi, 1993) seems to have been the only one who openly resisted Majlesi in his book KefДЃyat al-mohtadi fi maКїrefat al-mahdi (ДЂqДЃ Bozorg, XVIII, pp. 101-102; for a summary of its content, see DДЃnešpaЕѕuh). After he had fallen out with Majlesi’s father over his support for Sufism, Mir Lawḥi openly repudiated the veneration of Moḥammad-Taqi Majlesi after his death, and criticized Moḥammad-BДЃqer Majlesi for his use of allegedly weak and tendentious hadiths (Babayan, pp. 465, 470-71). Mir Lawḥi claimed to have received death threats because of his reprobation of the Majlesis (Ṭabresi, pp. 34, 117; cf. Jazi, p. 121). This stance may explain why he was largely ignored by later compilers of Imamite б№­abaqДЃt.

Among his more recent Imamite critics, the prominent voices of Moḥsen Amin (1867-1952), Moḥammad бё¤osayn ṬabДЃб№­abДЃКѕi (1902 or 1903-1981), and КїAli ŠariКїati (1933-77) are representative. In the AКїyДЃn al-šiКїa Amin remarked (IX, p. 183) that Majlesi’s merits notwithstanding, his writings needed revision, as they indiscriminately mixed useful and worthless material (Ar. al-бёЎaб№Їб№Ї wa’l-samin lit. “the meagre and the fat”), and his interpretations of the traditions were often precipitate. Amin also disapproved of the fanaticism (Кїaб№Јabiya ) with which people spoke about Majlesi. The philosopher ṬabДЃб№­abДЃКѕi mainly disagreed with Majlesi over the definition and conceptualization of the intellect, and this disagreement earned ṬabДЃб№­abДЃКѕi the characteristically heavy criticism of the clerical establishment in Qom (Dabashi, pp. 297-99; cf. in general КїAlawi, 1992). For the revolutionary theorist ŠariКїati (pp. 189-96; cf. Dabashi, pp. 110-13) Majlesi was one of the protagonists of the “black” or Safavid ShiКїism, which he considered conservative and irresponsible, juxtaposing it to the revolutionary and progressive force of “red” or КїAlid ShiКїism.

Majlesi’s influence on the intellectual history of Twelver ShiКїism, the politics of 18th century Iran, and the final ShiКїitization of the country was enormous (Babayan, pp. 458-67). Ṭabresi (p. 19) credited Majlesi with being more meritorious than КїAllДЃma бё¤elli (d. 1325), because the few preserved books of КїAllДЃma бё¤elli were written in Arabic and only addressed to specialists. Majlesi, by contrast, had been a prolific writer who had also composed many works in Persian which could be understood by scholars and students, well as Sunnites, children, and women alike (cf. бёґДЃtunДЃbДЃdi in бёґбµ›ДЃnsДЃri, II, pp. 82-83). With regard to the role of the Imamite clergy in Iranian politics, Majlesi’s influence endured far beyond the Safavid era. Mainly thanks to Majlesi, the Twelver ShiКїite clergy of Arab Lebanese descent triumphed over the Imamite clergy who were Iranian notables. Since these powerful theologians were largely independent of the ruling elites, they survived political change while expanding their power. The scholar-cum-politician Moḥammad-BДЃqer Majlesi not only marked the beginning of a genuinely Iranian development within Twelver ShiКїism (Pampus, p. 52), but also foreshadowed the late 20th century assumption of power by the Imamite clergy in Iran (Arjomand, 1983, pp. 138-40; 1984, pp. 151-55). Unsurprisingly, in post-revolutionary Iran Majlesi continues to be held in high esteem. Since the 1990s, his works have been published in many new editions, as well as in Arabic and English translations, in Qom and Tehran. But it seems that some anti-Sunnite sections of the BehДЃr al-anwДЃr. especially the KetДЃb al-fetan (Ar. sing. fetna lit. “trial”), were at least temporarily not reprinted for political reasons (Buchta, p. 72).

NДЃб№Јer-al-Din Anб№ЈДЃri Qommi, “KetДЃbšenДЃsi-ye taКѕlifДЃt-e КїAllДЃma-ye Majlesi,” MeškДЃt 29, 1991, pp. 150-73; references to printed editions, translations, and revisions, as well as to ДЂqДЃ Bozorg's бёЋariКїa ; repr. in Mehrizi and RahbДЃni, ŠenДЃбёµt-nДЃma. 1999 (for full reference see below), II, pp. 39-71.

бё¤osayn DargДЃhi and КїAli-Akbar TalДЃfi DДЃryДЃni, KetДЃb-šenДЃsi-ye Majlesi. Tehran, 1991.

Mahdi Mehrizi and HДЃdi RabbДЃni, ŠenДЃбёµt-nДЃma-ye КїAllДЃma-ye Majlesi: MaqДЃlДЃt-e montašer šoda dar maб№­buКїДЃt. 2 vols. Tehran, 1999.

бёґДЃnbДЃbДЃ MošДЃr, MoКѕallefin‑e kotob‑e ДЌДЃpi‑e fДЃrsi o Кїarabi. 6 vols. Tehran, 1961-66, II, cols. 23-42.

ʿ Ayn al-ḥayāt. ed. by ʿAli-Moḥammad Rafiʿi, Tehran, 2003; tr. as Taʿrib ʿ Ayn al-ḥayāh, Qom, 2000; tr. as Essence of Life. by Ṭāher Belrāmi, Qom, 2005.

Beḥār al-anwār al-jāmeʿa le-dorar aḵbār al-aʾemma al-aṭhār. 111 vols. Beirut, 1983; for a summary, see Maḥmud Doryāb Najafi, ʿAlā żefāf al-Beḥār: Taʿrif mujaz be-Ketāb beḥār al-anwār le'l-ʿĀllāma al-Majlesi. Beirut, 2002.

бё¤ayДЃt al-qolЕ«b. 3 vols. Tehran, 1963; partial tr. as Die Mythen des Lebens Jesu: Auszüge aus “Haiat ul Kulub, oder Geschichte Muhameds, beschrieben nach der schiitischen Tradition von Mohamed Bachir, nebst einem das “Leben Jesu” von Dr. Strauss betreffenden Anhang, ed. Christian G. Barth, Stuttgart, 1837; partial tr. as The Life and Religion of Mohammed, as Contained in the Sheeâh Traditions of the Hyât-ul-Kuloob. by James L. Merrick, Boston, 1850; tr. as

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КїAli КїAб№­ДЃКѕi бёґorДЃsДЃni, KДЃr-nДЃma-ye КїAllДЃma-ye Majlesi: Šarḥ-e fešorda-ye pirДЃmun-e бёµadamДЃt o tДЃlifДЃt-e КїAllДЃma-ye Majlesi va tarДЃveš-e wojudi-e u dar ḥefбє“-e aКїб№ЈДЃr-e šiКїi. Mashad, 1975.

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Juan R. I. Cole, “ShiКїi Clerics in Iraq and Iran, 1722-1780: The Akhbari-Usuli Conflict Reconsidered,” Iranian Studies 18, 1985, pp. 3-34; repr. idem, Sacred Space and Holy War: The Politics, Culture and History of ShiКїite Islam. London, 2002, pp. 58-77, 221-25.

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КїAli DavДЃni, ДЂqДЃ Moḥammad BДЃqer b. Moḥammad Akmal Eб№ЈfahДЃni maКїrЕ«f be Waḥid-e BehbahДЃni sar-ДЃmad-e moḥaqqeqin va dДЃnešmandДЃn-e šiКїa dar sada-ye dawДЃzdahom-e hejri. Tehran, 1983, pp. 99-101.

Dwight M. Donaldson, The ShiКїite Religion: A History of Islam in Persia and Irak. London, 1933; orig. Ph.D. diss. Hartford Seminary Foundation – Kennedy School of Missions, 1928.

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Idem, EjДЃzДЃt al-ḥadiб№Ї allati katabahДЃ Šayбёµ al-Moḥaddeб№Їin wa-Moḥyi MaКїДЃlem-al-Din al-MawlДЃ Moḥammad BДЃqer al-Majlesi al-Eб№ЈfahДЃni, 1037-1110 A.H.. Qom, 1990.

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бёЋabiḥ-AllДЃh MaḥallДЃti, Rayāḥin al-šariКїa dar tarjoma-ye danešmandДЃn-e bДЃnowДЃn-e šiКїa. 6 vols. Tehran 1949, esp. III, p. 329.

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Yasuyuki Matsunaga, “Examining the Views of КїAllâmah Majlisî on Legitimate Political Authority (Sulб№­anat-i MashrûКїah ) and the Guardianship of the Jurist (Wilâyat-i Faqîh ),” Orient (Tokyo) 35, 2000, pp. 12-22.

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Mahdi Najaf-ДЂbДЃdi, “MostašreqДЃn va КїAllДЃma Majlesi,” in Haštomin Kongri-e taḥqiqДЃt-e irДЃni. Tehran, 1997,VII, pp. 560-70.

Andrew J. Newman, “BДЃqir al-Majlisi and Islamicate Medicine: Safavid Medical Theory and Practice Reconsidered,” in Society and Culture in the Early Modern Middle East: Studies on Iran in the Safavid Period. ed. A. J. Newman, Leiden, 2003, pp. 371-96.

Idem, “BДЃqir al-Majlisi and Islamicate Medicine II: Al-RisДЃla al-dhahabiyya in Biḥār al-anwДЃr ,” in Le ShiКїisme ImДЃmite quarante ans après. ed. M. A. Amir-Moezzi et al. 2009 (for full reference, see above), pp. 349-61.

Karl-Heinz Pampus, Die theologische Enzyklopädie Biḥār al-anwДЃr des Muḥammad BДЃqir al-MaДџlisi (1037-1110 A.H. = 1627-1699 A.D.): Ein Beitrag zur Literaturgeschichte der ŠД«Кїa in der б№ўafawidenzeit, Ph.D. diss. Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn, 1970.

КїAbbДЃs b. Moḥammad-ReЕјДЃ Qommi, Hadiyat al-aḥbДЃb fi бёЏekr al-maКїrufin be’l-konДЃ wa’l-alqДЃb wa’l-ansДЃb. Najaf, 1930; repr. Tehran, 1984, pp. 250-51.

Idem, Fawāʾed al-rażawiya fi aḥwāl ʿolamāʾ al-maḏhab al-jaʿfariya. Tehran, 1948, pp. 410-18.

КїAli-Moḥammad RafiКїi КїAlДЃm-rudašti, MollДЃ Moḥammad-BДЃqer Majlesi: Zendegi, zamДЃna, negДЃhhДЃ, naqdhДЃ. Tehran, 1993.

КїAli Aḥmad SДЃlus, MaКїa al-šiКїa al-eЕЈnДЃ Кїašariya fi’l-oб№Јul wa’l-foruКї: MawsuКїa šДЃmela. 4 vols. Doha, 1997, II, pp. 233-39.

Roger Savory, “Relations between the Safavid State and its Non-Muslim Minorities,” Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 14/4, 2003, pp. 435-58.

Abu’l-FaЕјl Solб№­ДЃn Moḥammadi, ДЂfДЃq al-fekr al-siДЃsi Кїend al-КїAllДЃma Majlesi. Qom, 2005.

КїAbd-al-MawlДЃ Ṭariḥi, “Moбёµtaб№Јar tarjamat ṣāḥeb al-Beḥār ,” Al-КїErfДЃn (Beirut) 10/3, 1924, pp. 266-68.

Colin Turner, Islam without Allah? The Rise of Religious Externalism in Safavid Iran. Richmond, Surrey, 2000.

John T. Walbridge, “A Persian Gulf in the Sea of Lights: The Chapters on Naw-RЕ«z in the Biḥār al-anwДЃr ,” Iran 35, 1997, pp. 83-92.

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